Antarktis-bibliografi er en database over den norske Antarktis-litteraturen.
Hensikten med bibliografien er å synliggjøre norsk antarktisforskning og annen virksomhet/historie i det ekstreme sør. Bibliografien er ikke komplett, spesielt ikke for nyere forskning, men den blir oppdatert.
Norsk er her definert som minst én norsk forfatter, publikasjonssted Norge eller publikasjon som har utspring i norsk forskningsprosjekt.
Antarktis er her definert som alt sør for 60 grader. I tillegg har vi tatt med Bouvetøya.
Det er ingen avgrensing på språk (men det meste av innholdet er på norsk eller engelsk). Eldre norske antarktispublikasjoner (den eldste er fra 1894) er dominert av kvalfangst og ekspedisjoner. I nyere tid er det den internasjonale polarforskninga som dominerer. Bibliografien er tverrfaglig; den dekker både naturvitenskapene, politikk, historie osv. Skjønnlitteratur er også inkludert, men ikke avisartikler eller upublisert materiale.
Til høyre finner du en «HELP-knapp» for informasjon om søkemulighetene i databasen. Mange referanser har lett synlige lenker til fulltekstversjon av det aktuelle dokumentet. For de fleste tidsskriftartiklene er det også lagt inn sammendrag.
Bibliografien er produsert ved Norsk Polarinstitutts bibliotek.
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Results 7 resources
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The paper analyses the economic and political history of the Ross Sea, where exploration, science, commercial exploitation, politics and adventure became highly interlinked and interwoven. Expedition accounts and the extensive literature on Antarctic history and politics inform the contextual aspects. The archives of the Norwegian whaling company A/S Rosshavet, established in 1923, and the United States of America and New Zealand archival material from the 1950s are key sources. From the first whaling season onwards, the impact of Antarctic whaling, and later scientific bases, highlights and illustrates the tensions between Antarctic commerce, territorial claims and international politics.
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Signed in 1959, the Antarctic Treaty is usually hailed as an example of what states can achieve when they leave aside their interests and truly collaborate. It was over 30?years ago, however, that the last significant legal instrument of the Antarctic Treaty System (namely, the Protocol on Environmental Protection) was signed. Since then, no new legal instruments have been drafted, despite a number of growing internal and external challenges. In this special issue, an interdisciplinary group of scholars examine some of these challenges and evaluate whether the system is well prepared to tackle them. Their point of agreement is that, if not severely ill, the system's chronic ailments?particularly laggardness?must be addressed if it is to respond satisfactorily to rapid social, political, environmental and economic changes on a global scale.
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While Argentine-Chilean relations have long been swayed between cooperation and confrontation since their independence in the 19th century and a long-standing presence in Antarctica, the stretch between Tierra del Fuego to the Antarctic Peninsula stands as the closest lane (i.e. about 1,000 km) to any other continent. Despite their territorial dispute over islands on the fractured southern tip of South America and territorial claims on the Antarctic, their common diplo-matic ground successfully defuses any potential geopolitical instability. Along with Chile and Argentina, British claims overlap in the Antarctic Peninsula, which establishes unique geopolitical conditions in the whole of Antarctica. In this context, scientific missions and growing tourist activities could transform the region into the Antarctic gateway. From potential mineral resources exploitation to the United States- China global competition, the South Atlantic area could become a strategic bridgehead in light of the brewing geopolitical shift during the 21st century. Considering that climate change and geostrategic conditions evolve somewhat quickly to transform the Western Antarctic area, this article aims to assess and comprehend how these external drivers may affect the two South American countries. Given the fact that Antarctica is part of their respective national narrative, how do Argentina and Chile intend to maintain their presence and protect their interest in these shifting conditions? What are the vectors for partnering with the world’s great powers, such as China? Ultimately, could this space become a choke point through the 21st century?
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Argentina and Chile, known in the world of Antarctic politics as the 'South American claimants', have shown themselves since the inception of their interests in the White Continent as standing alone and in opposition to the advances of the colonial powers of the North - especially the United Kingdom. As Shirley Scott has suggested, while the UK was busy staking claims over Antarctica and treating it as terra nullius, Argentina and Chile ascertained what they took to be their historical rights to the continent, inherited from the time when they were Spanish colonies. In this article, I support Argentina's and Chile's contention that the attitude and procedure followed by the other claimants to the continent was unequivocally colonial, but I reject their contention that theirs was not. I examine four sites where their colonial spirit is revealed: their use of the geographic doctrines of continuity and contiguity, and of the sector principle; the appeal to historic rights inherited from the time when they were Spanish colonies; their expansion to Antarctica through the establishment of military settlements, and their underlying economic and strategic interests, no different from their 'Northern' counterparts. I then point to some specific and general implications of reinterpreting their story in this light.
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Global pressure over Antarctic resources will mount in the course of the coming decades. Three factors are likely to motivate states to claim jurisdictional rights or rights to natural resources in Antarctica: climate change, dwindling natural resources in the rest of the world, and the fact that – by virtue of Article IV of the Antarctic Treaty – the question of sovereignty remains unresolved. It is high time to think about the moral dimensions that should shape Antarctic claims in the future. Is there any state or group of states more entitled than others to make such claims? What does sound management of natural resources require? How should environmental concerns factor into decisions about jurisdictional control and appropriation of natural resources? With these broad questions in the background, in this article I examine four principles of justice that figure prominently in current theories of territorial rights and rights over natural resources in political philosophy: connection, capacity, fair distribution, and need. I show how these principles have been used by states, alone or in tandem, to justify claims to jurisdiction and claims to natural resources in Antarctica. After pointing to their main strengths and weaknesses, I suggest that they may be necessary, but insufficient to build a just framework for jurisdiction and appropriation of resources in the White Continent.
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